A system stonewalledPolitical meddling may topple the Khmer Rouge tribunal – an outcome that would suit the government just fine. Marking one of the most important trials since Nuremberg, the initiation of the Khmer Rouge tribunal was one of Cambodia’s surest signs of reform post-1979. To date nearly $150 million has been spent on proceedings by the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) to deliver justice for the estimated 1.7 million people, and their surviving families, who died under Khmer Rouge rule.Full Story
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Closed courtHow one man can change the course of justice. Navigating Cambodia’s legal system to seek justice for the millions of people who suffered at the hands of the Khmer Rouge was never touted as an easy task. At the heart of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC)’s constitution is a unique hybrid model that pairs international and Cambodian judges under the protection of the domestic court system. In May 2006, the ECCC appointed You Bunleng as national co-investigating judge – a role crucial to the progress of tribunal proceedings. His ability to act impartially and independently of government influence, however, has constantly been called into question. Different but the sameCultural events will form the basis for increased awareness of LGBT issues at this month’s Pride Week festival in Cambodia. In a dusty printing store not far from Phnom Penh’s Independence Monument, a shy young clerk hands over a box of t-shirts. The words ‘Different but the Same’ are emblazoned in internationally recognisable rainbow colours across the shirts: the slogan chosen for this year’s Cambodia LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) Pride Week, which runs from May 12-20 in the capital. “This year the slogan focuses on the sameness of us all as human beings despite our differences,” explains Cambodian artist Lyno Vuth, who designed the t-shirts. For the peopleMyanmar Special: With Myanmar stretching its capacity to usher in new reforms, Southeast Asia Globe sits down with four of the country's key economic players to discuss their vision for the country. The recent explosion of reformist fervour may be stretching the country’s capacity and resources, but as Southeast Asia Globe’s April roundtable with four Myanmar delegates shows, the country is not short on enthusiasm. On the recordMyanmar Special: Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun, an associate professor at the centre for Southeast Asia Studies, Kyoto University, sheds light on some of the major issues currently pressing Myanmar. Rape: a weapon of war in MyanmarMyanmar Special: A comment by activist and advocate, Khin Ohmar, the coordinator of Burma Partnership, a network of civil society organisations that support democracy, human rights and freedom in Myanmar, and founder of the Women’s League of Burma. A failed state?Myanmar Special: The National League for Democracy’s landslide victory in the latest by-elections is a strong sign that Myanmar’s long-standing junta has finally outlived even its own perceptions of state health and functionality. Nevertheless, after decades of ruling the country with an iron fist and allowing state institutions to become barely functional rubble, it is hard not to question the future viability of the country and its institutions. Can Myanmar escape the trappings of a failed state and withstand the social, economic and political pressures it faces to avoid implosion? The future starts hereMyanmar Special: Reforms are meaningless unless accompanied by fundamental changes to the constitution. Myanmar has come a long way in the year since Thein Sein, a former general, took office at the head of a new quasi-civilian government in March 2011. Press restrictions have been loosened, political prisoners set free, and after by-elections last month, democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) are set to take up 43 hard-won seats in parliament. After decades of military dictatorship, the haze of paralysing fear that once lay over Myanmar may be finally starting to lift. |







